...
首页> 外文期刊>Forum for Social Economics >Economics, Democracy, and the Distribution of Capital Ownership
【24h】

Economics, Democracy, and the Distribution of Capital Ownership

机译:经济学,民主与资本所有权的分配

获取原文
获取原文并翻译 | 示例
           

摘要

This article holds that widespread, practical access to capital acquisition is essential for sustainable widespread economic prosperity and democracy. The founders of the U.S.A. agreed that sustainable democracy required widespread ownership of land to provide a viable earning capacity sufficient to support robust participation in democratic government. The importance of widespread land ownership to individual prosperity and sustainable democracy was supported not only by the prevailing philosophical views of property, it was also apparent to the common man and woman. Compared to Europe, America offered widespread access to land ownership, higher wages, better work conditions, cheaper staples and greater individual freedom, equal opportunity, prosperity, and political participation. This conviction that widespread access to ownership is a necessary condition for widespread prosperity and sustainable democracy continued throughout most of the nineteenth century, but today public discourse reveals virtually no trace of this once universally held opinion. This article suggests that the disappearance of this conviction can be traced to an erroneous view shaped by neoclassical economics and Keynesian economics. According to this view, (1) the disappearance of the American frontier and industrialization made the goal of widespread capital ownership either impractical or of little or no economic significance and (2) by way of technological advance, sufficient earning capacity and consumer demand to promote growth and sustain democracy can be achieved, without widespread ownership, primarily through jobs and welfare. Although differing in many respects, both mainstream schools, along with Adam Smith’s classical economics, share one common but unstated economic assumption: the broader distribution of capital acquisition (in itself) has no fundamental relationship to the fuller employment of people and capital, the broader distribution of greater individual earning capacity, and growth. Contemporary thinking, shaped by these economic schools, also tacitly assumes that widespread capital ownership is not essential for the sustainable individual earning capacity needed to support robust democracy. This erroneous “ownership-neutrality assumption” (1) contradicts both the views of America’s founders and the colonial experience, and (2) provides theoretical justification for structuring capital markets and capital acquisition transactions to unfairly and dysfunctionally favor existing owners at the expense of broader ownership distribution, more widely shared prosperity, greater efficiency, ecologically friendly growth, and a vital democracy. America’s conscientious founders would be shocked by the diminished importance of the distribution of ownership in the mainstream analysis of prices, efficiency, production, growth, and democracy. Rather than enhancing democracy, they would view the “ownership-neutrality assumption” of mainstream economics as contributing to its deterioration and corruption. They would openly search for economic analysis built on an alternate assumption more consistent with their understanding of the requisite conditions for sustainable democracy. This article advances an economic analysis that suspends the ownership-neutrality assumption, replaces it with a “broader-ownership-growth assumption,” and suggests a voluntary market strategy for substantially broadening capital ownership, enhancing individual earning capacity, and providing the widespread economic prosperity needed for robust democracy.
机译:本文认为,广泛而实际的获取资本的途径对于可持续的广泛经济繁荣与民主至关重要。美国的创始人一致认为,可持续的民主需要广泛的土地所有权,以提供足以支持强大的民主政府参与的可行的创收能力。普遍拥有土地的所有权不仅对普遍的财产哲学观点表示支持,而且普遍的土地所有权对个人繁荣和可持续民主的重要性也得到支持,这对普通男人和女人来说都是显而易见的。与欧洲相比,美国提供了广泛的土地所有权,更高的工资,更好的工作条件,更便宜的主食和更大的个人自由,平等机会,繁荣和政治参与的机会。这种认为拥有所有权的普遍途径是实现广泛繁荣和可持续民主的必要条件的信念在整个19世纪的大部分时间都持续存在,但是今天的公众讨论实际上并没有显示出这种一度被普遍接受的观点的踪迹。本文认为,这种信念的消失可以追溯到新古典经济学和凯恩斯主义经济学所塑造的错误观点。根据这种观点,(1)美国边界的消失和工业化使广泛拥有资本的目标变得不切实际,或者几乎没有经济意义;(2)通过技术进步,足够的盈利能力和消费者需求来促进在没有广泛拥有权的情况下,主要是通过就业和福利,就可以实现增长和维持民主。尽管在许多方面有所不同,但两种主流学派,以及亚当·斯密的经典经济学,都有一个共同但未阐明的经济学假设:资本获取的更广泛的分配(本身)与人们和资本的更充分使用没有根本关系。 ,更大的个人收入能力和增长的广泛分布。由这些经济流派所塑造的当代思想还默认地认为,广泛的资本所有权对于支持强大的民主所需的可持续的个人赚钱能力不是必不可少的。这种错误的“所有权中立性假设”(1)与美国创始人的观点和殖民经验背道而驰,(2)为结构化资本市场和资本收购交易提供了理论依据,以不公平和功能失常地有利于现有所有者以牺牲更广泛的所有权分配,更广泛的共享繁荣,更高的效率,生态友好的增长以及至关重要的民主为代价。在对价格,效率,生产,增长和民主的主流分析中,所有权分配的重要性下降,令美国尽职尽责的创始人感到震惊。他们没有加强民主,反而认为主流经济学的“所有权中立假设”助长了民主的恶化和腐败。他们将公开寻求基于与他们对可持续民主必要条件的理解更加一致的替代假设进行的经济分析。本文进行了一项经济分析,该分析中止了所有权中立性假设,将其替换为“更广泛的所有权-增长-假设”,并提出了一种自愿性市场策略,以大幅拓宽资本所有权,增强个人盈利能力并提供强大的民主需要广泛的经济繁荣。

著录项

  • 来源
    《Forum for Social Economics》 |2011年第3期|p.361-370|共10页
  • 作者

    Robert Ashforda;

  • 作者单位

    a Syracuse University College of Law, Syracuse, USA;

  • 收录信息
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

相似文献

  • 外文文献
  • 中文文献
  • 专利
获取原文

客服邮箱:kefu@zhangqiaokeyan.com

京公网安备:11010802029741号 ICP备案号:京ICP备15016152号-6 六维联合信息科技 (北京) 有限公司©版权所有
  • 客服微信

  • 服务号